From VOX.com December
28, 2014
Sure, you could throw
all of these things under the broad category of racism. But some of these
disparities are often perpetuated by people who insist that they believe with
all their hearts in racial equality.
“It seeps into just
about every aspect of life”
There's a term for
what's happening when, despite our best intentions and without our awareness,
racial stereotypes and assumptions creep into our minds and affect our
actions: implicit racial bias.
It seeps into just
about every aspect of life, including areas like criminal justice that can have
deadly consequences. Thirty years of
neurology and cognitive psychology studies show that it influences the way we
see and treat others, even when we're absolutely determined to be, and believe
we are being, fair and objective.
That's why implicit
racial bias has been called "the new diversity paradigm
— one that recognizes the role that bias plays in the day-to-day functioning of
all human beings."
Here's what you need
to know about how it works.
What is implicit
bias?
The first step in
understanding how implicit racial
bias works is to understand the general concept of implicit bias, which can
shape the way we think about lots of different qualities: age, gender,
nationality, even height.
Two of the leading
scholars in the field, Mahzarin Banaji and Anthony G. Greenwald,
capture it well in the title of a book they wrote about the concept. It's
called "Blindspot: Hidden Biases of Good People"
“You can think of it
generally as "thoughts about people you didn't know you had"”
What do these
"blind spots" look like, and how do they shape behavior? Well,
if you have a stereotype about Asian people that labels them as
"foreign," implicit bias means you might have trouble associating
even Asian-American people with speaking fluent English or being American
citizens. If you've picked up on cultural cues that women are homemakers, it
means you might have a harder time connecting women to powerful roles in
business despite your conscious belief in gender equality.
The effects aren't
always negative: if you have a positive attitude about your alma mater,
implicit bias could mean you feel more at ease around someone who you know also
graduated from there than you do around people who went to other schools.
But there are a couple
of things make implicit bias especially fascinating and potentially insidious:
First, since our
thoughts often determine our actions, implicit bias can lead to
discriminatory behaviors (more on those below). Second, it is impossible to
detect without taking a test. In other words, you can't sit down and do introspection about your biases, and you can't just decide not to let them affect
your attitudes and actions. Implicit bias lives deep in your subconscious, and
it is largely separate from the biases you know you have.
How does implicit
racial bias affect the way we think about race?
Implicit bias comes
from the messages, attitudes, and stereotypes we pick up from the world we live
in, and research over time and from different countries shows that it tends to
line up with general social hierarchies.
Studies have shown that
people have implicit biases that favor Germans over Turks (in Germany),
Japanese over Koreans (in Japan), men over women (when it comes to
career-related stereotypes), youth over elderly, and straight people over gay
people.
So, it's no surprise
race is a prime area for implicit bias, and if you live in America, you can
probably make an educated guess about some of the ways it tends to play out:
among other things, there's a widespread preference for light skinned over dark
skinned and white over black.
How is this related
to regular old racism?
Implicit racial bias
tends to work against the same groups that are the victims of the type of overt
racism that you hear from white supremacists or the more subtle bigotry of
people who believe that racial minorities suffer from cultural pathology or who
actively defend racial and ethnic stereotypes.
But it can also affect
the minds of people who would say — honestly — that they are horrified by these
types of attitudes. That's because the implicit associations we hold often
don't align with our declared beliefs.
“the implicit
associations we hold often don't align with our declared beliefs”
As Cynthia Lee, a
professor at the George Washington University School of Law, has explained, "the
social science research demonstrates that one does not have to be a racist with
a capital R, or one who intentionally discriminates on the basis of race, to
harbor implicit racial biases."
In all areas touched
by implicit bias, including race, we tend to hold biases that favor the
group that we belong to (what researchers call our "ingroup"). But
research has shown that we can also hold implicit biases against our ingroup.
So yes, white Americans generally have implicit biases against other races, but
racial minorities can hold implicit biases against themselves, too. These
results are rarely reflective of conscious attitudes.
How do you figure
out whether you have implicit racial bias?
To evaluate implicit
bias, scientists mostly use tests that measure reaction time and rely on the
idea that if we closely associate two concepts in our minds, they'll be easy
for us to sort together. And if we don't associate them, they'll be harder, and
take more time, to sort together.
The most popular of
these tests is the Implicit Association Test, or IAT. Anthony Greenwald and his
colleagues invented it in the mid-1990s. An organization called Project Implicit,
maintained by Greenwald, Mahzarin Banjai, and Brian Nosek, allows people to
take it online. The test is basically a video game that you play on a computer,
the object of which is to sort categories of pictures and words.
An image from an
implicit-bias test at Project Implicit
Here's an example of
how it measures implicit racial bias: in the black-white race attitude test,
test takers are asked to sort pictures of white and black people's faces, and
positive and negative words, by pressing one of two keys on the keyboard. It
turns out that most people are able to do this more quickly when the white
faces and positive words are assigned to the same key (black faces and negative
words are assigned to the other key), compared with when white faces and
negative words are assigned to the same key (and black faces and positive words
are assigned to the other key). The difference in the time it takes a user to
respond in different situations is the measure of implicit bias. Try a test yourself at
Project Implicit.
“[M]y hands were
literally frozen when I had to associate black with good”
Here's how Banaji
explained the way taking the IAT feels, in a 2013 interview with the Boston Globe:
"So when I took
the test ... it was stunning for me to discover that my hands were literally
frozen when I had to associate black with good. It's like I couldn't find the
key on the keyboard, and doing the other version, the white-good, black-bad
version was trivial. So the first thought that I had was: 'Something's wrong
with this test.' Three seconds later, it sunk in that this test was telling me
something so important that it would require a re-evaluation of my mind, not of
the test."
How do the implicit
racial biases the IAT reveals play out in reality?
Implicit racial bias
can shape our beliefs and assumptions, color the way we treat other people, and
even help decide what "feels true" for us when it comes to larger
social and political issues.
Banaji explained that in
one version of the IAT, researchers took famous Asian Americans such as Connie
Chung and Michael Chang and Kristi Yamaguchi and picked white foreigners such
as Hugh Grant, Katarina Witt, and Gerard Depardieu, and asked test takers to
connect them to American symbols and foreign symbols. They found it was easier
to associate Hugh Grant with American symbols than Connie Chung. "That
shows how deeply the category 'American' is white" in many people's minds,
she said.
“It was easier to
associate Hugh Grant with American symbols than Connie Chung”
She went on to explain
what she said were the connotations of implicit bias when it comes to politics: "The reason I especially like that result is
that in the first Obama election and since then, the issue has come up about
these 'birthers,' and I think what we captured there was a little bit of a
birther in all of us. I think this is where conscious attitudes matter. You and
I say, 'I consciously know Barack Obama was born in this country, and I believe
this because the evidence is there.' For some people who we might write off as
the lunatic fringe, the association to be American is to be white. I can see
for them that feels true."
What are the main
areas in which implicit racial bias affects our everyday lives?
Implicit biases
are pervasive. Researchers say everyone possesses them, even people
like judges, who have avowed commitments to impartiality.
And they don't just
stay tucked away in our unconscious until they're revealed by a computer game.
They determine how we behave. There is increasing evidence that implicit bias —
including implicit racial bias, which the IAT measures — predicts behavior in
the real world. This behavior, of course, harms the people who are members of
groups that are the subjects of negative implicit bias.
For example, research
has shown that it can affect healthcare: in one study, despite self-reporting
very little explicit bias, two out of three clinicians were found to harbor implicit bias against
blacks and Latinos. And it
turns out that this affected the care that black patients got: the stronger the
clinicians' implicit bias against blacks relative to whites, the lower the
black patients rated them on all four sub-scales of patient-centered care. It's also been connected to
racial discrimination in hiring, performance evaluations, housing
discrimination, and even perceptions of neighborhood crime.
How does implicit
bias affect criminal justice?
Criminal justice —
from arrests, to police shootings, to juries' perceptions of defendants — is
such a rich area for implicit racial bias to operate that it deserves its own
separate discussion.
To understand the
gaping racial disparities in criminal justice, it helps to understand implicit
bias. As Vox's German Lopez has explained:
Part of the problem is
outright racism among some judges and cops, socioeconomic disparities that can
drive more crime, and drug laws that
disproportionately affect black Americans. But the other explanation is that
cops, like everyone else, carry this implicit bias, which experts agree affects
how they police people of different races. Since these are the people who carry
out the initial steps of law enforcement, this bias might launch a cascading
effect of racial disparities that starts with simple arrests and ends in prison
or death.
These are a few ways
implicit bias has been found to operate at every level of the criminal-justice
system:
•Studies have shown
that a person's level of implicit racial bias predicts the amount of shooter
bias — meaning, how much easier it is to shoot African Americans compared with
white people in a video-game situation. And when researchers at the University
of Colorado at Boulder and California State University at Northridge reviewed a decade of empirical evidence about cops and implicit bias in
2012, they found police
officers seem to possess implicit bias that might make them more likely to
shoot black suspects than white ones.
•Writing for the Yale
Law Journal in 2013, L. Song Richardson and Phillip Atiba Goff demonstrated
that the triage
practices by which defense attorneys accept their cases can be informed by
implicit racial bias and
argued that the overwhelming case loads and time constraints create an
environment in which implicit bias has an outsized influence on judgments.
•In a 2013 Law and
Society Review article, Casey Reynolds examined how jurors unknowingly enter the courtroom with a set of inferences informed by implicit bias that can determine how they
decide what constitutes "reasonable doubt."
•In a 2013 article for
Court Review, Kimberly Papillion addressed the idea that well-meaning judges can have neurophysiological responses that activate
implicit racial biases,
concluding that "Assuming that judges can simply try harder to be fair,
take more time when making decision, or utilize their egalitarian value systems
to eliminate bias in their decision-making process is naïve. The solutions
should be tailored to the neurophysiologic reactions that infuse bias into the
sentencing decisions."
Can you get rid of
implicit racial bias?
The good news is that
there is some evidence that implicit biases, including implicit racial biases,
are malleable.
“There are studies
that demonstrate that you can at least produce shifts”
•Counter-stereotypic training:
People can be trained, using visual or verbal cues, to develop new associations
that contrast with the stereotypes they hold.
•Exposure to individuals who defy stereotypes: Being made aware of people who challenge the
assumptions that fuel our biases — for example, male nurses, elderly athletes,
or female scientists — has shown potential to decrease them.
•Intergroup contact:
Simply having contact with the people about whom you have bias can reduce it.
But researchers have found the contact typically has to involve individuals
sharing equal status and common goals, a cooperative rather than competitive
environment, and the presence of support from authority figures, laws, or
customs.
•Education efforts aimed at raising awareness about implicit bias: the criminal-justice and health-care realms
especially have embraced this approach.
•Taking the perspective of others: considering contrasting viewpoints and recognizing multiple
perspectives can reduce automatic implicit bias.
•Mindfulness-meditation techniques: new research suggests that these can reduce implicit
bias by short-circuiting negative associations.
While these methods are
promising, implicit biases are really tough to shake. As Banaji told the Boston Globe, "I
would say we should not be naïve about how easily we can change them. On the
other hand, there are studies that demonstrate that you can at least produce
shifts."